My fellow citizens, events in Iraq have now reached the final days of decision. For more than a decade, the United States and other nations have pursued patient and honorable efforts to disarm the Iraqi regime without war. That regime pledged to reveal and destroy all of its weapons of mass destruction as a condition for ending the Persian Gulf War in 1991. Since then, the world has engaged in 12 years of diplomacy. We have passed more than a dozen resolutions in the United Nations Security Council. We have sent hundreds of weapons inspectors to oversee the disarmament of Iraq. Our good faith has not been returned. The Iraqi regime has used diplomacy as a ploy to gain time and advantage. It has uniformly defied Security Council resolutions demanding full disarmament. Over the years, U.N. weapons inspectors have been threatened by Iraqi officials, electronically bugged and systematically deceived. Peaceful efforts to disarm the Iraq regime have failed again and again because we are not dealing with peaceful men. Intelligence gathered by this and other governments leaves no doubt that the Iraq regime continues to possess and conceal some of the most lethal weapons ever devised. This regime has already used weapons of mass destruction against Iraq's neighbors and against Iraq's people. The regime has a history of reckless aggression in the Middle East. It has a deep hatred of America and our friends and it has aided, trained and harbored terrorists, including operatives of al Qaeda. The danger is clear: Using chemical, biological or, one day, nuclear weapons obtained with the help of Iraq, the terrorists could fulfill their stated ambitions and kill thousands or hundreds of thousands of innocent people in our country or any other. The United States and other nations did nothing to deserve or invite this threat, but we will do everything to defeat it. Instead of drifting along toward tragedy, we will set a course toward safety. Before the day of horror can come, before it is too late to act, this danger will be removed. The United States of America has the sovereign authority to use force in assuring its own national security. That duty falls to me as commander of chief by the oath I have sworn, by the oath I will keep. Recognizing the threat to our country, the United States Congress voted overwhelmingly last year to support the use of force against Iraq. America tried to work with the United Nations to address this threat because we wanted to resolve the issue peacefully. We believe in the mission of the United Nations. One reason the U.N. was founded after the Second World War was to confront aggressive dictators actively and early, before they can attack the innocent and destroy the peace. In the case of Iraq, the Security Council did act in the early 1990s. Under Resolutions 678 and 687, both still in effect, the United States and our allies are authorized to use force in ridding Iraq of weapons of mass destruction. Yet some permanent members of the Security Council have publicly announced that they will veto any resolution that compels the disarmament of Iraq. These governments share our assessment of the danger, but not our resolve to meet it. Many nations, however, do have the resolve and fortitude to act against this threat to peace, and a broad coalition is now gathering to enforce the just demands of the world. The United Nations Security Council has not lived up to its responsibilities, so we will rise to ours. In recent days, some governments in the Middle East have been doing their part. They have delivered public and private messages urging the dictator to leave Iraq so that disarmament can proceed peacefully. He has thus far refused. All the decades of deceit and cruelty have now reached an end. Saddam Hussein and his sons must leave Iraq within 48 hours. Their refusal to do so will result in military conflict commenced at a time of our choosing. For their own safety, all foreign nationals, including journalists and inspectors, should leave Iraq immediately. Many Iraqis can hear me tonight in a translated radio broadcast, and I have a message for them: If we must begin a military campaign, it will be directed against the lawless men who rule your country and not against you. As our coalition takes away their power, we will deliver the food and medicine you need. We will tear down the apparatus of terror and we will help you to build a new Iraq that is prosperous and free. In free Iraq there will be no more wars of aggression against your neighbors, no more poison factories, no more executions of dissidents, no more torture chambers and rape rooms. The tyrant will soon be gone. The day of your liberation is near. It is too late for Saddam Hussein to remain in power. It is not too late for the Iraq military to act with honor and protect your country, by permitting the peaceful entry of coalition forces to eliminate weapons of mass destruction. Our forces will give Iraqi military units clear instructions on actions they can take to avoid being attack and destroyed. I urge every member of the Iraqi military and intelligence services: If war comes, do not fight for a dying regime that is not worth your own life. And all Iraqi military and civilian personnel should listen carefully to this warning: In any conflict, your fate will depend on your actions. Do not destroy oil wells, a source of wealth that belongs to the Iraqi people. Do not obey any command to use weapons of mass destruction against anyone, including the Iraqi people. War crimes will be prosecuted, war criminals will be punished and it will be no defense to say, "I was just following orders." Should Saddam Hussein choose confrontation, the American people can know that every measure has been taken to avoid war and every measure will be taken to win it. Americans understand the costs of conflict because we have paid them in the past. War has no certainty except the certainty of sacrifice. Yet the only way to reduce the harm and duration of war is to apply the full force and might of our military, and we are prepared to do so. If Saddam Hussein attempts to cling to power, he will remain a deadly foe until the end. In desperation, he and terrorist groups might try to conduct terrorist operations against the American people and our friends. These attacks are not inevitable. They are, however, possible. And this very fact underscores the reason we cannot live under the threat of blackmail. The terrorist threat to America and the world will be diminished the moment that Saddam Hussein is disarmed. Our government is on heightened watch against these dangers. Just as we are preparing to ensure victory in Iraq, we are taking further actions to protect our homeland. In recent days, American authorities have expelled from the country certain individuals with ties to Iraqi intelligence services. Among other measures, I have directed additional security at our airports and increased Coast Guard patrols of major seaports. The Department of Homeland Security is working closely with the nation's governors to increase armed security at critical facilities across America. Should enemies strike our country, they would be attempting to shift our attention with panic and weaken our morale with fear. In this, they would fail. No act of theirs can alter the course or shake the resolve of this country. We are a peaceful people, yet we are not a fragile people. And we will not be intimidated by thugs and killers. If our enemies dare to strike us, they and all who have aided them will face fearful consequences. We are now acting because the risks of inaction would be far greater. In one year, or five years, the power of Iraq to inflict harm on all free nations would be multiplied many times over. With these capabilities, Saddam Hussein and his terrorist allies could choose the moment of deadly conflict when they are strongest. We choose to meet that threat now where it arises, before it can appear suddenly in our skies and cities. The cause of peace requires all free nations to recognize new and undeniable realities. In the 20th century, some chose to appease murderous dictators whose threats were allowed to grow into genocide and global war. In this century, when evil men plot chemical, biological and nuclear terror, a policy of appeasement could bring destruction of a kind never before seen on this earth. Terrorists and terrorist states do not reveal these threats with fair notice in formal declarations. And responding to such enemies only after they have struck first is not self defense. It is suicide. The security of the world requires disarming Saddam Hussein now. As we enforce the just demands of the world, we will also honor the deepest commitments of our country. Unlike Saddam Hussein, we believe the Iraqi people are deserving and capable of human liberty, and when the dictator has departed, they can set an example to all the Middle East of a vital and peaceful and self governing nation. The United States with other countries will work to advance liberty and peace in that region. Our goal will not be achieved overnight, but it can come over time. The power and appeal of human liberty is felt in every life and every land, and the greatest power of freedom is to overcome hatred and violence, and turn the creative gifts of men and women to the pursuits of peace. That is the future we choose. Free nations have a duty to defend our people by uniting against the violent, and tonight, as we have done before, America and our allies accept that responsibility. Good night, and may God continue to bless America. (Agencies) | 同胞們,伊拉克的事件現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)到了做出最后決定的時(shí)刻。十多年來(lái),美國(guó)和其它國(guó)家一直在付出耐心的、卓越的努力,以便不通過(guò)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)解除伊拉克政權(quán)武裝。作為1991年海灣戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)結(jié)束的一個(gè)條件,伊拉克曾許諾公布并銷毀所有的大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。 自此之后,世界已經(jīng)進(jìn)行了12年的外交努力。我們?cè)诼?lián)合國(guó)安理會(huì)已經(jīng)通過(guò)了十多項(xiàng)決議。我們已經(jīng)派出數(shù)以百計(jì)的武器核查人員監(jiān)督伊拉克解除武裝。 我們的良好信念沒(méi)有得到回報(bào)。伊拉克政權(quán)一直利用外交作為爭(zhēng)取時(shí)間和優(yōu)勢(shì)的策略。 伊拉克總是蔑視安理會(huì)要求其解除武裝的決議。 數(shù)年來(lái),伊拉克官員一直威脅聯(lián)合國(guó)武器核查人員,要么通過(guò)電子設(shè)備進(jìn)行阻撓,要么系統(tǒng)化地進(jìn)行欺騙。和平解除伊拉克政權(quán)武裝的努力已接二連三遭遇失敗,因?yàn)榕c我們打交道的不是一個(gè)愛(ài)好和平的人。 本屆以及歷屆美國(guó)政府搜集的情報(bào)充分證明,伊拉克政權(quán)仍在擁有和隱藏人類所發(fā)明的最致命的一些武器。這個(gè)政權(quán)曾經(jīng)使用大規(guī)模殺傷性武器對(duì)付伊拉克的鄰國(guó)和伊拉克人民。 伊拉克政權(quán)歷史上曾經(jīng)對(duì)中東地區(qū)多次發(fā)動(dòng)了莫名其妙的侵略,對(duì)美國(guó)和我們的盟國(guó)有著深厚的仇恨,曾經(jīng)資助、訓(xùn)練和庇護(hù)恐怖分子,包括"基地"組織成員。 危險(xiǎn)已經(jīng)非常明顯:恐怖分子將在伊拉克的幫助下使用化學(xué)、生物或者有一天將會(huì)是核武器,實(shí)現(xiàn)他們既定的野心和殺害我們國(guó)家以及他國(guó)數(shù)以萬(wàn)計(jì)的無(wú)辜民眾。 美國(guó)和其它國(guó)家盡管什么也沒(méi)有做,卻招致這樣的威脅;不過(guò)我們將采取一切措施將他們擊敗。我們將建設(shè)一條通向安全的大道,而不是滑向悲劇的深淵。 在恐怖之日來(lái)臨之前,在還有時(shí)間采取行動(dòng)之前,這個(gè)威脅將被清除。 美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)完全有權(quán)利使用武力確保我們國(guó)家的安全。這個(gè)任務(wù)落到了我這個(gè)總司令肩上,我曾經(jīng)為此發(fā)誓,我也準(zhǔn)備繼續(xù)履行我的誓言。 美國(guó)國(guó)會(huì),認(rèn)識(shí)到我們國(guó)家面臨的威脅,在去年以絕對(duì)多數(shù)票決定支持用武力對(duì)付伊拉克。 美國(guó)曾努力同聯(lián)合國(guó)一道去應(yīng)付這個(gè)威脅,那是因?yàn)槲覀冊(cè)敢夂推降慕鉀Q這個(gè)問(wèn)題。我們相信聯(lián)合國(guó)的使命。 在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)后宣告成立的聯(lián)合國(guó)的一個(gè)原因,就是盡早并且積極地遏制那些侵略成性的獨(dú)裁者,在他們向無(wú)辜者發(fā)起攻擊和破壞和平之前阻止他們。 在伊拉克問(wèn)題上,安理會(huì)在上個(gè)世紀(jì)90年代曾經(jīng)發(fā)揮過(guò)作用。在678和687號(hào)兩個(gè)現(xiàn)在仍然有效的決議指導(dǎo)下,美國(guó)和其盟國(guó)得到授權(quán)使用武力去清除伊拉克的大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。 但還有一些政府公開(kāi)表示將在安理會(huì)上行使否決權(quán)來(lái)否定任何促使伊拉克解除武裝的決議。這些政府如同我們一樣,能夠認(rèn)識(shí)到威脅的所在;但是他們沒(méi)能和我們一起,用實(shí)際行動(dòng)對(duì)付威脅。 然而,還有許多國(guó)家有這份決心和堅(jiān)毅,向和平的威脅發(fā)出挑戰(zhàn),并且正在結(jié)成廣泛的聯(lián)盟,準(zhǔn)備去迎接這個(gè)世界對(duì)他們的召喚。 聯(lián)合國(guó)安理會(huì)沒(méi)有履行自己的責(zé)任,所以,我們必須站起來(lái),去履行我們的責(zé)任。 在最近幾天,中東的一些政府也在履行他們的職責(zé)。他們通過(guò)公開(kāi)或者私下的渠道傳遞信息,要求這個(gè)獨(dú)裁者離開(kāi)伊拉克,從而和平地解決伊拉克的武裝。 可是,他一直拒絕這么做! 幾十年的欺騙和暴行現(xiàn)在該結(jié)束了!薩達(dá)姆和他的兒子必須在48小時(shí)內(nèi)離開(kāi)伊拉克。若他們繼續(xù)拒絕這樣做將招致軍事打擊,打擊何時(shí)開(kāi)始將由我們選擇。 所有外國(guó)公民,包括記者和核查員,為了他們自己的安全起見(jiàn),應(yīng)該立即離開(kāi)伊拉克。 今晚,許多伊拉克人都能通過(guò)廣播聽(tīng)到我演講的譯文,我要向他們傳遞這樣一個(gè)信息:如果必須展開(kāi)軍事行動(dòng),行動(dòng)的目標(biāo)是無(wú)法無(wú)天的人們,而不是你們。 當(dāng)我們的聯(lián)軍剝奪了他們的權(quán)力之后,我們將向你們提供你們所需要的藥品和食品。 我們將徹底摧毀恐怖機(jī)器,我們將幫助你們建設(shè)一個(gè)繁榮自由的新伊拉克。 在一個(gè)自由的伊拉克,將不再會(huì)有對(duì)你們鄰國(guó)的侵略戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng),不再有毒藥工廠,不再有對(duì)不同政見(jiàn)者的殺害,不再有酷刑室和強(qiáng)奸之所。 獨(dú)裁者即將消失,解放你們的日子不遠(yuǎn)了。 現(xiàn)在,薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因想再賴在臺(tái)上已經(jīng)為時(shí)已晚。但是,對(duì)伊拉克軍隊(duì)來(lái)說(shuō),采取行動(dòng)保護(hù)你們國(guó)家還為時(shí)不晚--允許聯(lián)軍平靜地進(jìn)入伊拉克來(lái)銷毀大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。我們的軍隊(duì)將給伊拉克軍事部門(mén)清晰明了的指令,告訴他們?nèi)绾涡袆?dòng)才能避免被攻擊和摧毀的命運(yùn)。 我要求伊拉克軍隊(duì)和情報(bào)機(jī)構(gòu)的每一名成員:當(dāng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)來(lái)臨時(shí),不要為一個(gè)行將死亡的政權(quán)賣(mài)命,那是不值得的。 同時(shí),伊拉克所有的軍事人員和平民都應(yīng)該認(rèn)真聽(tīng)聽(tīng)這一警告:在任何沖突中,你的行動(dòng)將決定你的命運(yùn)。不要燒毀油井,這是屬于伊拉克人民的財(cái)富。不要對(duì)任何人使用大規(guī)模殺傷性武器,包括伊拉克人民。戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)罪將受到追究,戰(zhàn)犯將受到懲罰,到那時(shí),"我只是服從命令"將不能成為借口或免受懲罰的理由。 如果薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因選擇對(duì)抗,美國(guó)人民應(yīng)該知道,我們已經(jīng)采取所有手段避免戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng),也會(huì)采取任何手段打贏戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。 美國(guó)人明白沖突的代價(jià),因?yàn)槲覀冊(cè)?jīng)付出過(guò)??梢钥隙ǖ囊稽c(diǎn)是,戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)是必須付出犧牲的。 但減少戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的危害和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)間的唯一途徑是動(dòng)用我軍的全部力量,我們已經(jīng)做好準(zhǔn)備。 如果薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因不愿放棄權(quán)利,他就永遠(yuǎn)是我們的死敵,直到他的末日來(lái)臨。 他和恐怖主義團(tuán)體可能不顧一切地試圖針對(duì)美國(guó)人民和我們的朋友發(fā)動(dòng)恐怖主義襲擊。這些襲擊不是不可避免的,但它們是可能發(fā)生的。 而這一事實(shí)進(jìn)一步強(qiáng)調(diào)了我們不能在訛詐的威脅下生活。從薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因被解除武裝的那一刻起,美國(guó)和世界面臨的恐怖主義威脅將會(huì)減輕。 我們的政府正對(duì)這些威脅進(jìn)行更高級(jí)別的警戒。正如我們?yōu)楸WC在伊拉克獲勝而正在作準(zhǔn)備,我們正在采取進(jìn)一步措施保衛(wèi)我們的祖國(guó)。 最近幾天來(lái),美國(guó)當(dāng)局已經(jīng)將與伊拉克情報(bào)部門(mén)有牽連的一些人驅(qū)逐出境。 在其它措施方面,我已經(jīng)下令在機(jī)場(chǎng)加強(qiáng)安全,在主要港口增強(qiáng)海岸警衛(wèi)隊(duì)巡邏。國(guó)土安全部正在與各州長(zhǎng)加強(qiáng)合作,以確保全國(guó)境內(nèi)關(guān)鍵設(shè)施的安全。 一旦敵人襲擊我們的國(guó)家,他們將試圖利用恐慌來(lái)轉(zhuǎn)移我們的視線,利用恐懼挫傷我們的士氣。他們這樣做注定要失敗。 他們的任何行動(dòng)都不會(huì)改變或者動(dòng)搖我們國(guó)家的意志。我們是愛(ài)好和平的人民,但我們不是軟弱無(wú)力的人民。暴徒和兇手嚇不倒我們。 如果我們的敵人膽敢襲擊我們,他們以及所有支持過(guò)他們的人都將遭受可怕的后果。 我們現(xiàn)在之所以采取行動(dòng)是因?yàn)椴恍袆?dòng)的危險(xiǎn)會(huì)更大。在1年或者5年的時(shí)間內(nèi),伊拉克傷害所有自由國(guó)家的能力將有數(shù)倍的提高。 擁有這些能力之后,薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因和他的恐怖盟友將在他們最強(qiáng)大的時(shí)候制造最致命的襲擊。在這種危險(xiǎn)突然出現(xiàn)在我們的空中和城市之前,在它初露端倪的時(shí)候,我們將應(yīng)對(duì)這種威脅。 和平事業(yè)需要所有的自由國(guó)家認(rèn)清這一新的不容置疑的現(xiàn)實(shí)。在20世紀(jì),有些人選擇對(duì)無(wú)情的獨(dú)裁者實(shí)施綏靖政策,讓他們的威脅日益增長(zhǎng)而發(fā)展成為種族清洗和全球戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。 在這個(gè)世紀(jì),當(dāng)邪惡的人策劃化學(xué)、生物和核恐怖襲擊時(shí),再采取"綏靖政策"將導(dǎo)致這個(gè)地球發(fā)生史無(wú)前例的大破壞。 恐怖分子和恐怖主義國(guó)家是不會(huì)用正式聲明的方式透露這些威脅的。 因此,在他們發(fā)動(dòng)攻擊后再對(duì)這些敵人采取行動(dòng)不是自衛(wèi)的方式,這等于自殺。為了世界的安全,現(xiàn)在必須解除薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因的武裝。 在我們滿足世界的正義要求之時(shí),我們也將履行我國(guó)莊嚴(yán)的承諾。 不像薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因那樣,我們相信伊拉克人民有權(quán)利也有能力享受人類的自由,在這個(gè)獨(dú)裁者離開(kāi)后,他們就可以在整個(gè)中東地區(qū)建立一個(gè)重要、和平、自治國(guó)家的典范。 美國(guó)將和其他國(guó)家一道,在這一地區(qū)推進(jìn)自由和和平。我們的目標(biāo)不可能在一夜之間實(shí)現(xiàn),它需要時(shí)間。人類自由的力量和對(duì)它的渴望體現(xiàn)在每個(gè)人身上,體現(xiàn)在每個(gè)國(guó)家,自由的偉大力量將會(huì)化解仇恨和暴力,讓每個(gè)人都全身心地追求和平。那就是我們的選擇。 自由的國(guó)家都有義務(wù)聯(lián)合起來(lái)同暴力斗爭(zhēng),保衛(wèi)我們的人民。今晚,正像我們先前所做的那樣,美國(guó)和我們的盟友愿意承擔(dān)起這份責(zé)任。 晚安,愿上帝繼續(xù)保佑美國(guó)。 (中國(guó)日?qǐng)?bào)網(wǎng)站翻譯)
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