So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer – regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.
讓我們先來(lái)談?wù)勎磥?lái)，以及美國(guó)需要回答的四個(gè)大問(wèn)題——無(wú)論下一屆美國(guó)總統(tǒng)是誰(shuí)，無(wú)論哪個(gè)黨派掌控國(guó)會(huì)。

First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?
首先，我們?nèi)绾卧谛陆?jīng)濟(jì)中給每個(gè)人公平的機(jī)會(huì)和保障？

Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us – especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?
第二，我們?nèi)绾巫尲夹g(shù)為我們服務(wù)，而不是與我們對(duì)抗——尤其是面臨氣候變化這樣急需應(yīng)對(duì)的挑戰(zhàn)的時(shí)候？

Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?
第三，我們?nèi)绾伪Ｕ厦绹?guó)的安全，同時(shí)，在不充當(dāng)世界警察的前提下，引領(lǐng)整個(gè)世界？

And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?
最后，我們?nèi)绾沃贫ㄕ?，使其反映出美?guó)的好，而不是美國(guó)的惡？

Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.
我先說(shuō)說(shuō)經(jīng)濟(jì)，基本的事實(shí)是這樣的：現(xiàn)在，在全球范圍內(nèi)，美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)是最為強(qiáng)大且堅(jiān)固的?？v觀歷史，我們現(xiàn)在處于私營(yíng)部門連續(xù)創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)最長(zhǎng)的一段時(shí)期中。我們創(chuàng)造了逾1400萬(wàn)個(gè)新的就業(yè)崗位；這是自20世紀(jì)90年代以來(lái)就業(yè)增長(zhǎng)最為強(qiáng)勁的兩年；失業(yè)率下降了一半。汽車行業(yè)也創(chuàng)造了最輝煌的一年。在過(guò)去的六年里，制造業(yè)創(chuàng)造了將近90萬(wàn)個(gè)新的就業(yè)崗位。而且，我們?cè)谌〉眠@些成績(jī)的同時(shí)，還將赤字減少了近四分之三.

Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true – and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious – is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up. Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.
任何聲稱美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)正在衰落的說(shuō)法都是在傳播虛構(gòu)事實(shí)。實(shí)際情況——同時(shí)也是許多美國(guó)人感到焦慮的原因——是美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)正在經(jīng)歷巨大變革，而且這變革早在大蕭條發(fā)生之前就已經(jīng)開(kāi)始，到現(xiàn)在還沒(méi)有結(jié)束。今天，能夠被高科技取代的工作崗位并不僅限于生產(chǎn)線，還包括任何可以實(shí)現(xiàn)自動(dòng)化的崗位。在經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化中，公司可以落戶于世界任何地方，也會(huì)面臨更加激烈的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。其結(jié)果是，雇員要求加薪的籌碼變少。公司對(duì)其所在群體的忠誠(chéng)度更低。同時(shí)，越來(lái)越多的財(cái)富和收入積聚到社會(huì)頂層階級(jí)手中。

All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.
這些變化趨勢(shì)擠壓了雇員的生存空間，即使他們擁有工作，即使美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)一直在增長(zhǎng)。工薪家庭想要通過(guò)努力工作，擺脫貧困，年輕人想要開(kāi)創(chuàng)自己的事業(yè)，雇員想要適時(shí)退休，都已經(jīng)不太容易。雖然面臨這些變革的不只有美國(guó)，但是這些的確違背了獨(dú)有的美國(guó)式信念，那就是，任何努力工作的人都應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)玫焦酱觥?/p>

For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.
在過(guò)去的七年中，我們的目標(biāo)一直都是，保持經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)，以造福每一個(gè)人。我們已經(jīng)取得了一些進(jìn)步。但是，我們需要繼續(xù)努力。盡管在過(guò)去的一些年中，我們有過(guò)許多政治上的爭(zhēng)論，但是在一些領(lǐng)域，我們?nèi)〉昧似毡榈墓沧R(shí)。

We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.
我們一致認(rèn)為，真正的機(jī)會(huì)在于每一個(gè)美國(guó)人都能獲得能夠必要的教育及培訓(xùn)，讓他們能夠勝任一份收入理想的工作?！安蛔屢粋€(gè)孩子掉隊(duì)”的兩黨改革政策，就是一個(gè)重要的開(kāi)端，同時(shí)，我們加強(qiáng)了兒童早期教育，進(jìn)一步提高了高中畢業(yè)率，使工程學(xué)等專業(yè)畢業(yè)生得以增長(zhǎng)。未來(lái)，我們要以這些成績(jī)?yōu)榛A(chǔ)，通過(guò)普及全民早教，讓所有學(xué)生都接受計(jì)算機(jī)實(shí)踐和數(shù)學(xué)課程培訓(xùn)，為他們將來(lái)步入職場(chǎng)做好準(zhǔn)備。同時(shí)，我們要為孩子們招錄更多優(yōu)秀的教師，并給予這些教師更好的待遇。

And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.
同時(shí)，我們要讓每個(gè)美國(guó)人都能上得起大學(xué)。因?yàn)?，勤奮的學(xué)生不應(yīng)該因?yàn)樨毨П粨踉谛ｉT之外。我們已經(jīng)將助學(xué)貸款的還款額降至借款人收入的10%。接下來(lái)，我們需要降低大學(xué)費(fèi)用。兩年制的社區(qū)大學(xué)將為每一位有責(zé)任感的學(xué)生提供免費(fèi)教育，這是降低大學(xué)費(fèi)用最理想的方式之一。我會(huì)不斷努力讓這個(gè)方案在今年啟動(dòng)。

Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so hard to build.
當(dāng)然，在新經(jīng)濟(jì)中，我們所需要的不僅僅是優(yōu)質(zhì)的教育。我們還需要能夠提供基本生活保障的福利和保護(hù)措施。如果說(shuō)在座的各位，是美國(guó)為數(shù)不多的能夠在同一個(gè)地方從事同一份工作30年，還能獲得健康和養(yǎng)老保障的人，也不算夸張。而對(duì)于其他人，特別是四五十歲的美國(guó)人來(lái)說(shuō)，為退休后的生存點(diǎn)錢或是在失業(yè)后重振旗鼓，已經(jīng)越來(lái)越困難。大家都認(rèn)識(shí)到，在他們職業(yè)生涯的某個(gè)時(shí)刻，他們不得不重新接受培訓(xùn)，重新學(xué)習(xí)技能。但是，他們不應(yīng)當(dāng)失去他們這么多年辛勤工作所獲得的東西。

That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the Affordable Care Act is all about. It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.
這也是社會(huì)保障及醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)制度在今天尤為重要的原因；它們不該被弱化，而應(yīng)進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)。對(duì)于退休年齡較晚的美國(guó)人，基本福利應(yīng)與當(dāng)今的其他事物一樣盡可能移動(dòng)化。這就是《平價(jià)醫(yī)療法案》的意義所在，這個(gè)法案旨在填補(bǔ)基于雇主的醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)系統(tǒng)的空缺，我們失業(yè)、返校求學(xué)或創(chuàng)業(yè)時(shí)，依然能享受醫(yī)療保障。目前為止，已有近1800萬(wàn)人受益。醫(yī)療費(fèi)用通脹也有所緩解。自法案實(shí)施起，我們的企業(yè)每個(gè)月都能創(chuàng)造新的工作崗位。

Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job – we shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new job doesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.
我想我們?cè)诙唐趦?nèi)還無(wú)法就醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)制度達(dá)成共識(shí)。但兩黨可以在改進(jìn)經(jīng)濟(jì)保障制度的問(wèn)題上采取一些新的措施。假設(shè)一位辛勤工作的美國(guó)人丟了工作，我們不該僅僅確保他能獲得失業(yè)保險(xiǎn)，而應(yīng)確保這個(gè)制度能夠支持他接受再培訓(xùn)以勝任新的工作。如果這份新工作的報(bào)酬不如上一份工作，那么就該有薪酬保障制度保證他能養(yǎng)活自己。即使他一直在換工作，也還能為退休儲(chǔ)蓄并能支配自己的積蓄。這就是我們讓大家更好地受益于新經(jīng)濟(jì)的方式。

I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.
我知道國(guó)會(huì)眾議院發(fā)言人保羅?瑞恩提到過(guò)他對(duì)解決貧困問(wèn)題的看法。美國(guó)是一個(gè)會(huì)給每個(gè)愿意工作的人機(jī)會(huì)的國(guó)家，我歡迎大家提出可行性戰(zhàn)略，如為無(wú)子女低收入人群減稅的方案。

But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years – namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make.
但在過(guò)去七年里還有其他難以達(dá)成一致的領(lǐng)域，比如，政府應(yīng)該扮演怎樣的角色，才能保證制度不向最富有的財(cái)團(tuán)和大公司傾斜。在此，美國(guó)人民需要做出選擇。

I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings over long-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.
蓬勃發(fā)展的私營(yíng)經(jīng)濟(jì)是我們國(guó)家經(jīng)濟(jì)的命脈。我認(rèn)為，其有些過(guò)時(shí)的規(guī)則需要改變，有些繁文縟節(jié)需要摒棄。在企業(yè)連續(xù)多年利潤(rùn)破紀(jì)錄之后，如果讓大銀行、石油巨頭或?qū)_基金制定只對(duì)自己有利的規(guī)則，或者允許對(duì)集體談判的攻擊置之不理，工薪階層就無(wú)法獲得更多機(jī)會(huì)和更多薪水。引發(fā)經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)的不是那些領(lǐng)食物券的人，而是華爾街那些魯莽行事的人。移民人口不是阻礙薪酬上漲的原因；那些決議是由董事會(huì)的人提出的，他們經(jīng)常將季度分紅看得比長(zhǎng)期回報(bào)還重?？梢钥隙ǖ氖牵诳次已葜v的普通家庭不會(huì)通過(guò)離岸賬戶避稅。在新經(jīng)濟(jì)的形勢(shì)下，工人、新興企業(yè)和小型企業(yè)需要更多發(fā)言權(quán)。規(guī)則應(yīng)該使他們受益。今年，我計(jì)劃激勵(lì)那些善待工人的企業(yè)，這些企業(yè)明白只有善待工人才能讓股東、顧客和所在群體最終受益，這樣我們才能在全美推行這種良策。